Alle Artikel von Ungarn

Macht sich die Deutsche Telekom zu Orbáns Handlanger beim Abbau der ungarischen Demokratie?

Maximilian Steinbeis

Offenbar findet kurz nach den Wahlen, die Viktor Orbán und der FIDESz-KDNP-Koalition erneut eine Zweidrittelmehrheit beschert haben, ein regelrechter Crackdown gegen die verbliebene unabhängige Presse statt. Und ausgerechnet unsere eigene Deutsche Telekom AG muss sich dabei einige unangenehme Fragen nach ihrer Rolle dabei gefallen lassen. Weiterlesen

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Expelling dissent: On account of the ECtHR judgment in Baka v Hungary

Renáta Uitz

The European courts have been rather active in finding Hungary in violation of European constitutional and human rights minimum standards in April and in May 2014. In the most recent judgment in this line of cases, Baka v Hungary, the ECtHR found that the last chief justice of the Hungarian Supreme Court, András Baka, had been removed from office through constitution-making before the end of his term due to his criticism of the government’s judicial reforms. The Baka case is symptomatic of a fundamental shortcoming of Hungary’s new constitutional reality: the suppression and expulsion of dissent from the domestic political sphere. Sadly, the timing of the ECtHR’s judgment is perfect, as it comes at a time when the government is taking intense legal steps and other measures silence dissenting voices even further. Weiterlesen

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Legal but not Fair: Viktor Orbán’s New Supermajority

Kim Lane Scheppele

Viktor Orbán and his Fidesz party coasted to a clear victory in last weekend’s Hungarian election, as expected. The governing party got 45% of the vote, but the new “rules of the game” turned this plurality vote into two thirds of the seats in the parliament. A continuing two-thirds parliamentary majority allows Orbán to govern without constraint because he can change the constitution at will. But this constitution-making majority hangs by a thread. Orbán’s mandate to govern is clear because his party got more votes than any other single political bloc. What is not legitimate, however, is his two-thirds supermajority. Orbán was certainly not supported by two-thirds of Hungarians – nowhere close. In fact, a majority gave their votes to other parties. Orbán’s two-thirds victory was achieved through legal smoke and mirrors. Legal. But smoke and mirrors. Viktor Orbán and his Fidesz party coasted to a clear victory in last weekend’s Hungarian election, as expected. The governing party got 45% of the vote, but the new “rules of the game” turned this plurality vote into two thirds of the seats in the parliament. A continuing two-thirds parliamentary majority allows Orbán to govern without constraint because he can change the constitution at will. But this constitution-making majority hangs by a thread. Orbán’s mandate to govern is clear because his party got more votes than any other single political bloc. What is not legitimate, however, is his two-thirds supermajority. Orbán was certainly not supported by two-thirds of Hungarians – nowhere close. In fact, a majority gave their votes to other parties. Orbán’s two-thirds victory was achieved through legal smoke and mirrors. Legal. But smoke and mirrors. Weiterlesen

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 Schwerpunkt  Ungarn - was tun? Folge 2: ein besonderes Vertragsverletzungsverfahren

How to turn Article 2 TEU into a down-to-Earth provision?

Dimitry Kochenov

Coming from such an established voice advocating the protection of rule of law at the national level, Kim Scheppele’s proposal definitely enjoys sufficient legitimacy to be taken very seriously. In what follows, I look at the “problem” of democracy (1.), the “problem” with bundling infringements (2.), the problem of determining the meaning of “values” (3.), and the problem with penalties (4.). I conclude that two problems are fictitious but two others are real. Weiterlesen

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 Schwerpunkt  Ungarn - was tun? Folge 2: ein besonderes Vertragsverletzungsverfahren

Systemic infringement action: an effective solution or rather part of the problem?

Paul Blokker

Kim Lane Scheppele suggests a comprehensive, holistic approach to deal with prominent challenges to the basic principles of the European Union. I very much sympathize with this idea, but believe a purely legal approach in itself is not sufficient (and might even be counter-productive). Weiterlesen

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 Schwerpunkt  Ungarn - was tun? Folge 2: ein besonderes Vertragsverletzungsverfahren

Systemic infringement action: mind the particulars – and go for the big picture

Jan Komárek

While I agree with Kim Scheppelle’s "systemic infringement action" proposal, I am not so sure that it can be accomplished under the existing legal authority. Or better put, the prevailing understanding of what EU Treaties allow the Commission to do requires a much deeper transformation of the Commission’s role than Scheppelle suggests. Weiterlesen

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 Schwerpunkt  Ungarn - was tun?

In Praise of the Tavares Report: Europe finally said No to Viktor Orbán

Kim Lane Scheppele

The Tavares Report, adopted by the European Parliament with a surprisingly large majority, provides a bill of particulars against the Hungarian government and lays out a strong program to guide European Union institutions in bringing Hungary back into the European fold. With the passage of this report, Europe has finally said no to Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and his constitutional revolution. Weiterlesen

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 Schwerpunkt  Ungarn - was tun?

The Idea of Democracy Protection in the EU Revisited

Jan-Werner Müller

Im Umgang mit Mitgliedsstaaten, in denen Demokratie und Rechtsstaatlichkeit ins Rutschen kommen, zeigen sich EU-Kommission und EU-Parlament weniger hilflos und unentschlossen, als manche befürchtet hatten. Doch reicht solch punktueller Druck aus? Jan-Werner Müller berichtet über die jüngsten Entwicklungen in Brüssel und antwortet zum Abschluss des Verfassungsblogs-Symposiums "Ungarn - was tun?" auf die Kritiker seines Vorschlags, als unabhängige Instanz eine "Kopenhagen-Kommission" einzurichten. Weiterlesen

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 Schwerpunkt  Ungarn - was tun?

The EU in its most serious crisis ever (and that’s not the Euro crisis)

Dimitry Kochenov

Following the recent fascinating exchange in the ‘pages’ of the Verfassungsblog on what to do (or not) with Hungary given the current developments there it seems to be high time to return to the very basic question on the reasons behind the Union in Europe. The question of Europe’s raison d’être is as acute as ever now more than half a century into the project and is actively discussed for a good reason (eg de Búrca 2013). Answering this question is crucial – not only because such an answer could allow for a better legitimization – if not justification – mehr

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